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主题 : 北京奥运,死要面子?
卡拉 离线
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楼主  发表于: 2008-04-05   

北京奥运,死要面子?

多维社记者陈湘编译报导 /  奥运会前,中国政府为什么要让某些人和团体“噤声”和至少暂时消失,西方媒体已经有不少的报导和分析,与众不同的是,最近《基督教科学箴言报》的首席记者记者付毕德(Peter Ford)的一篇报导。付毕德是试图从文化社会学的角度来看待这个事情。

该报导是从最近发生在北京街头的一件事情说起。报导说,几星期前,一名男子在在北京街头打老婆,引起了众人围观,一小群人聚集在那里,但是没人上前阻止。直到有一名美国人从他所住的公寓窗口伸头往下看,并且开始把这个过程拍摄下来,这时事态的“性质”才开始变化:其中的一名围观者看到了有外国人在拍照,于是上前告诉打人者赶快停手,并提醒他:“外国人在拍照哪!”

付毕德举此例,在于说明老百姓“讲面子”的一个事实:中国人自己打老婆,大家习以为常,自家的事嘛,但是,不能让洋人看到,更不能让洋人拍了去,成了他们诋毁中国人的宣传品。家事如此,国事何尝不是这样。付毕德的报导由是笔锋一转,引到了奥运会和政府的作派上。他说,这个星期,正是北京2008年奥运圣火传递正式,这是一个中国现代史上令国人最骄傲的时刻,她象征中国重新以一个强大的国家出现在国际舞台上。北京正在作好迎接世界的准备,而发生在北京街头的这类事件,则揭示了北京当局目前关切和担心的一个主要问题:国家形象。

就是说,绝不允许外国人看到那些反映政府或国家任何负面状况的东西,比如,持不同政见者的抨击或在西藏的动乱,因为这会丢政府和国家的脸。

今年8月,北京的奥运会预计将吸引50万外国游客和超过2万名记者,中国获得了一个无与伦比的机会,来展示其过去30年的非凡成就。中国政府热衷于显示其经济发展政策的效果:如何使得4亿人摆脱了贫困;如何使得北京市转变成为一个现代化的,充满活力的国际大都市,并且建起了一批面向未来的奥运场馆和设施;以及对外开放程度多么高,已经实现了与全球各地的互动,等等。

对此,中国文化研究所的一名自由知识分子、刘军宁分析说:“中国领导人希望这个国家更为国际化,这意味着中国将置于全球聚光灯下,而这种聚光将非常灼人。”

刘军宁又指出:“这是一个中国既要显摆,也想隐藏的时刻。这种思维模式根深蒂固,深植于中国文化传统之中。”

澳大利亚历史学家Gérémie Barmé则认为,这也是建立在马克思列宁主义的原则基础上的一个隐秘和专制国家的典型做法,即便这个政府现在已经甩掉了它的大部分思想包袱,依然如此。他说,那种让现实理想化的愿望与潜在的中国传统和道德重合在一起。它们以一种非常强有力的方式互相强化,例如,迹象显示,几个月来,那些可能让政府感到尴尬的敏感的事物已经被清理了,同时,那些可能会向外界提供中国政府弊端证据的个人和团体,已逐步鸦雀无声。

针对人权活动人士和律师们的官方行动已经升级,愈来愈多的被骚扰或被拘禁的消息传出,中国最有影响的人权活动者之一的胡#@佳就于两个星期前被起诉和控以“颠覆政府”的罪名。

外国记者两个星期前已被禁止进入西藏和中国西部地区藏族人聚居的地域,不让他们跟那些心怀不满的西藏人接触。

在北京,那些从各地来京上访请愿和申述、希望中央政府主持公道的人士,已经被赶出的他们居住的临时窝棚-上访村,许多人被强行遣返回到他们的家乡省份。

据一位在中国广泛接触非政府组织的外国非政府组织的官员指出,各个领域,如环境,卫生,社会福利的许多民间组织,由于其成员都熟悉这样那样的敏感问题,在奥运会结束前,他们都不能举行实质性的活动。

上周,被当局取缔的F@L*功精神运动在海外的领导人声称,近几个月来,全国有1800多成员已被拘捕。他们在一份声明中指出,政府要在奥运会召开前,绝杀他们的活动。

《基督教科学箴言报》的这篇报导说,海内外的一些分析家指出。中国政府让批评者“噤声”,或防止他们接触外国人的这种努力,是一种政治性的动作。但由于国际上越来越关注中国政府在临近奥运会时的种种做法,政府不想丢脸,要借此努力建立奥运主办城市通常所具有的那种吸引人的形象,他们的行动也反映出一种植根于该国文化的更深刻的愿望。

美国美国著名汉学家、加州大学尔湾分校教授中国历史的杰弗里·瓦瑟施特伦(Jeffrey Wasserstrom,中文名:华志坚)认为:“奥运会对政府当局意义巨大。”标志着他们的一种张力,也标志着中国置身于一个新的等级,而对这个等级,中国人过去从来没有想到他们是能够置身其中的。

刘军宁博士指出,中国政府显然急于在北京奥运会塑造出一个尽可能完美的形象,这种焦虑“是政治文化的一部分和社会文化的一部分。它们是相互联系的,从面子的概念看,他们有大量的事情要做。”

广东外国语大学跨文化专家郑丽华(音译)指出,国人讲的“面子”这个概念,还掺和着人的名誉、赢得他人的尊敬这些元素,它一直主导着中国的社会关系。

一个人,或者一个政府,有多大面子,在中国人看来,是关系到他的权威和合法性的核心问题。因为丑闻如果一暴露,就要丢面子,所以中国有一句俗话叫“家丑不可外扬”,这句话也对应了英文的一句俗语,叫“Don't wash dirty linen in public”(别在大庭广众下洗脏床单-暴露个人隐私)。不过中国的这句俗话,在人们心中的的份量,要远超西方人。延伸开去,可以从家事统统上升到国事,都有“家丑不可外扬”的传统。

刘军宁博士解释这种“面子”观念时说:“如果我是当父亲的,儿女要是反抗,我就没面子,如果我是一个国家元首,出一桩丑闻,将有损国家面子。我做政府的,职责就是要使任何的抗议‘噤声’和保住国家的面子。”

郑教授还利用社会学理论,通过解释中国的“耻辱感文化”与西方的“罪恶感文化”之间的差异,来诠释“面子”在中国的重要性。郑指出,虽然没有什么严格的规则,但总的来说,“罪恶感”意味着你要尽量在上帝眼中表现得好;而“耻辱感”则意味着你要尽量在邻居眼中表现得好。

郑教授还旁征博,来解释中西文化所存在的区别:“中国,这是一种耻辱为本的文化,与西方相比,西方是以负罪为本的文化。”而美国女学者鲁思•本尼迪克特在《菊花与刀》一书中,就曾把西方文化概括为“罪感文化”,把日本文化概括为“耻感文化”。

美国人李敦白(Sidney Rittenberg)曾在中国生活过35年,经历了最动荡的共产主义革命年代及后来的时期。他说,不管怎么说,在中国社会,“对外保持尊严,是至关紧要的”。

在过去的两个世纪中,中国人的民族尊严受到过严重践踏,而1840年鸦片战争后的100多年,是中国人最耻辱蒙羞的年代。美国、欧洲国家以及日本国,用自己的军事实力,在贸易及其他事务上强迫中国人服从他们的意志,并一度以天下之朝自居的中国帝王,在这些国家面前,被证明是无力抵抗的。在十多年中,日本关东军就曾经征服了大片的中国领土。

当在中国共产党1949年开始控制中国后,毛泽东宣布“中国人民从此站起来了”之时,这项成就成为了中共政权确立声望的基础。

美国汉学家华志坚(Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom)说,如今中国社会不平等、腐败等问题纷纷重新涌现,中共政府再不能吹嘘他们60年前战胜了这些邪恶所取得的胜利了。

他说,但是举办了今年的奥运会,就能够有机会重申中国的统一和在国际上的地位了,那样作宣传就完美贴切了。”

《基督教科学箴言报》报导指出,正因为奥运会对北京有如此重大的政治象征意义,当出现像达赖喇嘛这种人物的影响和西藏事件时,中国政府就会立即指责是达赖故意破坏奥运会,就如所谓追求西藏独立一样的邪恶。

官方的这种做法,现在连许多普通中国老百姓都能很快领会并同情,因为他们从小在学校里就都习惯和接受了这样的宣传:把所有中国历史上的灾难都推到外国人头上。

目前,一方面,西方报导的传入,受到严格控制,而另一方面,近日来针对西方国家对西藏动乱报导的愤怒,却开始在中国网站上铺天盖地地宣泄,显示出了中国人内心深深怀有的强烈的民族主义情结。

实际上,“国家”两个中文字就能显示出国家在中国公民心目中的地位:分开来看,是“国”+“家”-意味着“祖国”和“家庭”。

正如郑教授所解释的:“当中国受到外国批评时,我们内心里就感到好像是自己在被批评一样。”

李敦白先生说,尽管,中国公民自己聊天时,可以随意地批评政府,但是,“当听到来自外部世界的批评时,就会认为那些是反华的言论,意在压制中国崛起。”

李敦白还表示,中国学校里的教科书和政府的宣传都谆谆教诲其国民,中国在近代历史上如何受到外国列强的欺辱和压榨,为此,“他们说,‘我们的问题是我们自己的事,我们会在自己的时间里用我们自己的方式来解决它们。’”

根据两家西方营销公司于去年1月完成的一项民意调查,74%的中国人都对即将到来的奥运会感到“非常兴奋”。

然而,美国学者华志坚也警告说,中国政府在国际上可能则不会那么被人理解。他说:“奥运会对中国政府来说是一个左右为难的难题。他们很想顺利地举办奥运会,但是,如果他们为了保证一切顺利而采取了过份的手段,那么,对奥运的报导就会变成说中国政府是如何严格控制所有事情的。结果政府就会冒这样的风险:以自己为敌。”
[ 此贴被卡拉在04-05-2008 08:03重新编辑 ]
描述:中国新一代政治学领军人物刘军宁说,中国最大的问题是想通过贬低观念的�
图片:U2008P1T1D14373479F21DT20071129174630.jpg
描述:美国汉学家华志坚(Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom)最近撰文指出,在美国,有些人视北京�
图片:wasserstrom1_lg.jpg
描述:美国女学者鲁思•本尼迪克特在《菊花与刀》一书中,最先提出了“罪感文�
图片:rb070625004.jpg
描述:毛泽东与李敦白。曾在中国生活过35年美国人李敦白前年访华时说:我对中�
图片:102117_W020050615384870475256.jpg
描述:法国总统萨科齐3月25日表示,不排除抵制出席北京奥运的开幕仪式,以抗议�
图片:5e2915adb7a5155752c0796f090ac91c.jpg
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“If a man does not keep pace with his companions, perhaps it is because he hears a different drummer. Let him step to the music which he hears, however measured or far away.”  -----  Henry David Thoreau
iamamaaa 离线
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6楼  发表于: 2008-04-24   
奥运是面子问题,国家主权是里子问题;所以只要涉及到主权这个面子我们可以不要!!!!!!!!
iamfisher 离线
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5楼  发表于: 2008-04-09   
我倒是觉得日本、韩国、朝鲜,乃至台湾、香港、澳门、新加坡,都和大陆人有得一比。
显然东亚人好像日子都过得不够舒展,比如韩国就要抬高自己获得自我尊贵。

按照心态来说,似乎俺们认为大陆才是最担得起东亚抬头的历史重担的?
大概俺们为恢复中国的天朝地位就是为了这心里优势吧。
这就和西藏的一样?
明净 离线
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地下室  发表于: 2008-04-05   
引用
引用第3楼arthur于04-05-2008 14:40发表的  :
中国没有反对党,没有互相揭短的习惯。看看台湾,应该好一些,虽然都是同一个种族。所以我想还是制度的差异。

同意。
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地板  发表于: 2008-04-05   
中国没有反对党,没有互相揭短的习惯。看看台湾,应该好一些,虽然都是同一个种族。所以我想还是制度的差异。
垂涎三尺,非一日之馋。
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板凳  发表于: 2008-04-05   
感觉说得蛮中肯的,中国人真是死要面子活受罪呀。  我实在不懂,一个国家一定是有好的地方和坏的地方,这很正常呀。 
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沙发  发表于: 2008-04-05   
For China, Olympics are a time to display – and to conceal
Source: The Christian Science Monitor
By Peter Ford
Mon Mar 31, 4:00 AM ET

Beijing - On a Beijing street a few weeks ago, a man began to beat his wife. A small crowd gathered, but nobody intervened until an American leaned from his apartment window overlooking the scene and began to shoot photos.

Noticing him, a spectator stepped up to the assailant and told him to stop. "There's a foreigner taking pictures," he pointed out.

As the Olympic torch gets under way this week in the run-up to the 2008 Olympic Games – the proudest moment in modern Chinese history and a symbol of the country's return as a major player to the international stage – that incident sheds light on one of the Beijing authorities' key concerns as they prepare to welcome the world.

Outsiders must not be allowed to see anything that reflects badly on the government or the country – such as dissidents' complaints or the unrest in Tibet – which would lose both of them face.

The Beijing Games, expected to draw half a million foreign visitors and over 20,000 journalists next August, offer China an unmatched opportunity to display its extraordinary achievements over the past 30 years.

The government is keen to show how its economic development policies have pulled 400 million people out of poverty, how it has transformed Beijing into a modern, vibrant, and international city studded now with futuristic Olympic facilities, and how open the country is to intercourse with the rest of the world.

"Chinese leaders want the country to be more international, which means being put in the limelight. But the light is very hot," says Liu Junning, a liberal intellectual at the China Cultural Research Institute.

"It will be a time not just to show, but also to hide," he cautions. "That mind-set is deeply rooted in Chinese culture."

It is also typical of a secretive and authoritarian state founded on Marxist-Leninist principles, even one that has discarded most of its ideological baggage, suggests Gérémie Barmé, an Australian historian.

"The desire to represent an idealized reality overlaps with underlying Chinese traditions and morality," he argues. "They reinforce each other in a very powerful way," unlike, for example, in Taiwan, where a democratic political system unmasks awkward truths.

Stepped-up control of dissent

Signs of the Chinese government's sensitivity to potentially embarrassing moments have been clear for some months. Individuals and groups that might provide outsiders with evidence of shortcomings in Chinese society have been progressively silenced.

An official campaign against human rights activists and lawyers has been stepped up: a growing number complain of having been harassed or detained and one of China's most prominent and vocal activists, Hu Ji@, was put on trial two weeks ago on charges of "subverting state power."

Foreign journalists have been banned for more than a fortnight from entering Tibet and Tibetan-inhabited areas of western China, preventing them from talking with disaffected Tibetans.

In Beijing, petitioners seeking redress from the central government for injustices they claim to have suffered at the hands of local authorities have been cleared out of the shanty-towns they inhabited. Many have been forcibly returned to their home provinces.

Many nongovernmental organizations working in fields such as the environment, public health, and social welfare, and whose members are knowledgeable about such sensitive issues, are treading water until the Olympics are over, according to one foreign NGO official with wide contacts in the Chinese NGO community.

Overseas leaders of the banned F@1un G0ng spiritual movement claimed last week that more than 1,800 of its adherents had been arrested in China in recent months in what a statement called an effort to "stamp out" its practice in advance of the Olympics.

The government's efforts to silence critics, or to prevent them from contacting foreigners, are political. But as international attention turns increasingly to China in the approach to the Games, they also reflect an even deeper desire – rooted in the country's culture – to present an attractive image that Olympic host cities normally show, Chinese and foreign analysts say.

"The Olympics mean an enormous amount to the authorities," says Jeffrey Wasserstrom, a professor of Chinese history at the University of California, Irvine. "They are a sign of potent expansion, of being in a league people hadn't thought they were in."

Concern about best impression

The government's obvious anxiety to create the best possible impression at the Olympics "is part of the political culture and part of the social culture," says Dr. Liu. "They are intertwined. It has a lot to do with the concept of face."

That concept, incorporating elements of a person's reputation and the respect he commands, "rules Chinese social relations," says Zheng Lihua, an intercultural expert at the Guangdong Foreign Studies University.

How much face a man – or a government – enjoys is central to his authority and legitimacy. Because face is lost if scandals are exposed, a Chinese saying that "family dirt must not be revealed" carries far more weight than its Western equivalent about washing dirty linen in public. And it extends from the family realm all the way up to matters of state.

"If I am a father and you protest, I lose face," Liu explains. "If I am a head of state, and a scandal would hurt the country, my duty is to mute any protest and defend face."

Following a widely cited sociological theory, Professor Zheng explains the importance of face by the difference between "China, which is a shame-based culture, and the West, which is guilt-based."

Though this is not a hard and fast rule, Zheng suggests, in general terms "guilt means you try to be good in the eyes of God; shame means you try to be good in the eyes of your neighbors."

However true this may or may not be, says Sidney Rittenberg, an American who lived in China for 35 years through the most tumultuous years of the Communist revolution and its aftermath, "preservation of outward dignity is all important" in Chinese society.

Chinese national dignity has been badly trampled over the last two centuries, most humiliatingly during the 100 years following the Opium War in 1840.

The United States, European nations, and Japan used their military might to enforce their will in trade and other matters, and once-proud Chinese emperors proved powerless to resist. For more than a decade, the Japanese Imperial Army subjugated large swaths of Chinese territory.

Reasserting Chinese unity

When Mao Zedong declared in 1949 – when his Communist party took control of China – that "the Chinese people have stood up," he based much of his regime's prestige on that achievement.

The ruling Communist Party can no longer boast of victories over social inequality, corruption, or the other evils it battled 60 years ago but which have resurfaced in today's China, says Mr. Wasserstrom.

But hosting this year's Olympics "fits perfectly into the narrative … of reasserting Chinese unity and its place in the world," he says.

With the Games playing such an important symbolic political role for Beijing, officials have been quick to accuse opponents, such as the Dalai Lama, of deliberately trying to sabotage the event – as heinous a crime as his alleged pursuit of Tibetan independence.

That is a message that many ordinary Chinese citizens – raised in schools that systematically blame foreigners for all of China's historical ills – are quick to understand and sympathize with.

Despite tightly controlled access to Western reporting, the outpouring of anger against Western coverage of Tibetan unrest that has flooded Chinese websites in recent days indicates how close to the surface lies a strong strain of nationalism.

A clue to how closely Chinese citizens identify themselves with their nation lies in the two Chinese characters combined to signify the word for nation: they are guo and jia, meaning "country" and "family."

"When China comes in for foreign criticism, in our hearts we take it personally as individuals," explains Zheng.

Though Chinese citizens are free with their own criticisms of the authorities when they talk among themselves, says Mr. Rittenberg, "they tend to feel that criticism from outside is anti-China and an attempt to constrain China."

With China's modern history of foreign humiliation deeply inculcated by schoolbooks and government propaganda, "they say that 'our problems are our problems and we'll handle them in our own way in our own time,' " Rittenberg adds.

Seventy-four percent of Chinese are "extremely excited" about the upcoming Olympic Games, according to an opinion survey carried out last January by two Western marketing companies. They are just as keen as their rulers that the Games should be a success, and just as sensitive to issues of face.

Internationally, however, the Chinese authorities may meet with less understanding, warns Wasserstrom. "The Olympic Games pose a dilemma for the government," he says. "They really want them to go off without a hitch, but if their efforts to keep things clean are too heavyhanded, the story will become how controlled everything is. The government risks becoming its own worst enemy."
[ 此贴被卡拉在04-05-2008 08:14重新编辑 ]
“If a man does not keep pace with his companions, perhaps it is because he hears a different drummer. Let him step to the music which he hears, however measured or far away.”  -----  Henry David Thoreau
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