来源：全球华人专业人士网络
作者：杨荣文
（这是杨荣文于1999年10月20日在香港中文大学新亚书院金禧纪念专题上的讲座）
人工化的稳定
中国历史长期处于一个介乎稳定与不稳定之间的浓厚紧张状态之中。中国的文明化进程经历了 五千年，可以说是世界上持续得最久的。这显示了文化上的坚持及其深厚的稳定性。然而，中国 的社会亦是异常脆弱的。现代中国之父孙中山先生，曾经用一盘散沙去形容中国。在家庭之外， 中国人缺乏公益精神。在他们的思想中，"家内"和"家外"有明显的分界。在大家族之内，共同的 信任与扶持被认为是理所当然的。在家庭之外常常任意而为，除非有惩罚的威胁。
假若缺乏一个强大的国家去整合社会的话，中国很容易便会卷入内部的纠纷与内战。在物理学 上，有一种叫做"人工稳定"的定理。也就是指一种透过外来力量的控制，而使本来不稳定的状态 变成稳定。例如SopwithCamel，喷火式战机又或是F16战机，为了便于空战时的自由调动，也 就特别设计成不稳定。于是控制系统或机长，需要不时的将战机保持稳定。假若失去控制，战机 便会马上失去平衡而向前后左右倾倒。同样地，在单车的尾部加重负荷，可使单车变得稳定，但 亦同时减低其灵活性，假若在其前半部加注重量，单车会变得不稳定，但骑单车的人，却会发觉 单车较容易被操控。中国人的社会就是这种"人工化稳定"。缺乏一个外来加注的优良控制系统， 便会产生混乱。
很多年以前，我曾经跟一位苏州的官员有过一个很有趣的讨论。他告诉我江苏省政府不愿意去 发展介于江苏与上海边界的一处地方，理由是他们相信一旦该地发展成熟，便会被上海所接管。 然而当长江三角洲江水泛滥，他们面临抉择，究竟应该牺牲江苏的一片广大的农地，还是任由上 海受到影响破坏。一场激烈的争执出现，而北京必须介入来仲裁解决。正如以往中国历史中经常 出现的情况一样，假若缺乏一个强大的中心，不同的省份便会陷入内战之中，正如三国演义中的 名句"分久必合，合久必分"。
中国社会此种趋向混乱的形势，存在着它的优劣。经常的无秩序亦是引发创作和活力的源泉。今 日的中国仍属于一个中央集权国家，省市之间存在着激烈的斗争，属于一种受控的混乱状态。
一个中国的概念
盛衰循环在人类历史中是一个正常的现象，但是，在中国历史之中，却有一个很独特而不寻常的 情况，就是它能够一次又一次地将自己重组成为一个单一政体国家。中国的汉朝与罗马帝国差 不多存在于同一时期，而彼此亦都于相近的时间分裂。曾在罗马帝国统治下的领土，再也不能成 功地重新统一。经过查理曼、拿破仑、希特勒等人的努力，但他们却始终不能全权操纵罗马。即使 是现在的欧洲联盟，也只不过是一个松散的部落联盟组织。相反地，中国自汉代没落以后，已经 历过多次的重新统一；这正是因为一个中国的概念，早已深深的植根于中国人的心目之中。
多少年，尚未识丁的中国孩童，已被教导背诵三字经，而儒家思想中天下一家的观念早已植根于 年青人的心中。三字经就像是文化基因一样，一代传一代。因此，一个中国的概念，不只是政治性 的，也是文化上的，令中国文化本身有别于其他的古代文化。就正如犹太文化，他们与中国文化 一样的稳固，但是他们并没有同样地将重点放在政治统一上。印度教文化亦是古代文化的一种， 其中也包含了政治的概念，但却没有像中国文化一样将一个印度的概念灌输给每一个印度教 徒。基于这个缘故，台独的观念对于大部分中国人来说，在情绪上都是难以接受的，因为这与传 统文化概念背离。
中国家庭的稳定性
然而，正如犹太和印度教文化一样，中国文化十分重视家庭。这是中国社会所筑起的最基层而又 破坏不了的基石，即使经历过战争、革命、水灾和饥荒，中国人的大家庭仍紧扣在一起。这个家庭 的成员，在本世纪长时期地被分隔四方，但他们仍能显著地联系着。强大的中国家庭正好说明了 中国人聚居文化的优势，较之日本更为强烈。
可是强烈的中国家庭意识，亦意味着在亲友以外，中国人缺乏公益精神。日本人与中国人公益精 神上的差别是世界知名的。我曾经在蓝鸢尾盛放的六月游览过明治神宫。明治天皇为了皇后而 种植了此种她所喜爱的蓝鸢尾，因此，日本妇女也将之浪漫化。在我游览神宫的那一日，有一大 群日本妇女，正在秩序井然地排队等候欣赏鸢尾，没有拥挤。每当轮到他们拍照的时候，他们均 以最快的速度完成，以免阻碍他人。假若地上有垃圾，他们又会将之拾起。我们完全不能想像中 国人会做出相同的行为；假若同一场合发生在新加坡，我们需要一大群工人在翌日进行清洁工 作！
中国民间独立组织的弱点
在儒家经典《大学》中，我们学会"修身、齐家、治国、平天下"。我们一方面有个人和家庭，另一方 面我们有国家这个大家庭。但在现实情况下，中国的家庭与国家之间，却是大大的分隔开的。在 西方的社会，独立的民间组织经常出现于家庭与国家之间，这些民间的组织使西方民主的实践 变得可行。但在中国的社会，民间的组织却有很多问题。一旦民间组织独立，国家会从负面的角 度视之，认为他们会削弱中央的权力。当中央权力机构的力量强大时，中国的民间团体本能地希 望得到他们的支持和赞助。没有一个稳固的领袖，个人与组织之间，会因抗拒被控制又或是政治 上的优势，而使中国的民间组织经常陷入内部的矛盾之中。这个定理，影响着全世界，包括新加 坡的华人民间组织，在ForeignAffairs期刊上，FrancisFukuyama从另一角度形容这定理， 他将这情况追溯至中国社会缺乏"社会资本"。
究竟是什么原因使得中国的民间社会组织变得脆弱呢？这是一个很重要的问题，因为假若没有 一个强大的民间组织，西方模式的民主是不可能植根的。强烈的家的观念与中央集权制的国家， 是使得中国民间社会衰弱的直接原因。在家和国家架构之外，中国人的缺乏公益精神，使得独立 的团体难以组织成立，而这种趋势，亦深深的刻入中国的文化之内，不可能轻易改变。它们存在 于文化基因之内，塑造出统治中国社会的政治机关。无论如何，在中国社会进行民主时，必须要 顾及这种因素。具中国特色的民主会如何地在下世纪演变发展，是全球历史中的一个重要问题。 对于西方的民主制度会在中国植根，我感到十分的怀疑，因为历史和传统是如此不同。有学者提 议中国实行联邦制，但在一个中国的概念下，恐怕很难得到成功。
中国人治国之才
中国社会的才能在于治理国家。没有这样的才能，中国不可能一次又一次地将国家重组。我打算 集中指出中国统治之道的几个重要方案。
首先要提到的是政教分离。有很多国家，宗教在政治上仍占一个很重要的位置，因而使得统治更 加困难。在今日的南亚，印度有一个自觉的印度教政府，而在巴基斯坦有一支为伊斯兰教控制的 军队。直至十七世纪，宗教战事大批毁灭了西欧的人口；而在东欧，正如巴尔干一样，宗教仍是政 治上的一个重要因素。相反地，在中国的大部份历史里面，国家都是不与教会联系的，共产党的 无神论能够轻易在中国植根，与它符合中国的政治文化不无关系。儒家学者建议国家应该与宗 教保持一定的距离。
中国治国之道的另一要点，是透过考试制度去聘用官吏。中国公务员的创立，是全球的一个革命 性概念，在西方也是到二、三百年前才将此概念应用起来。现在已在全球性被采纳实行，但世界 上除了中国之外，没有任何一处地方，能将此优质的制度在这片广阔的土地上广泛的伸延至这 样的程度。在中国人的心目中，由其他省份的人前来出任本省政府的官员，文化上完全可以接 受。尽管有欧联，我们仍很难想像今日的欧洲，可以由一个德国人出任巴黎市长，甚至法国总统。 而在中国，这种穿越版图的交错任命方式，已经超过二千年了。在唐朝，数位宰相已非汉族；又有 一位韩国将军统领唐军横越天山直达亚洲中部，后被亚拉伯人所击败；此外，一名日本人负责统 治曾是中国领土的越南。
中国的统制经常意识到贪污和裙带关系的问题。中国政府尝试通过不同的手段，建立不同的制 度去减少这些问题；然而，由于中国家庭观念的强势，这些政治上的弊病终究不能杜绝。明、清以 至今日的中国，从来都不会任命高级官员到他们自己所属的省市及其五百里范围之内。根据这 一原则，新加坡人不能当新加坡的官员，而香港人亦不应管治香港，这影响是很重要的。在中国， 一个高级官员若在其原籍工作，他得面对惠及亲友的沉重的压力。所以，引进一个客观的外人是 比较合适的；但这外人并不是外国人，他仍然是中国人，所以仍是合乎常理的。在欧洲或在新加 坡，是不会接受这样的一个外人为高级官员的。在一国两制之下，香港人应该是自行管治香港 的。和新加坡的情况一样，由于香港的公共机构是源自英国的，所以这是唯一可行的做法。
将高级官员穿越国家版图内交错任用，只有在中央力量集中的时候，才能成功执行。这是由来已 久中国统治国家的一个重要部份。列宁主义的组织方法，和这政治传统是一致的，也就说明何以 他们能如此容易移植到中国的土壤里了。事实上，共产党和国民党同样采取列宁主义团体组织。 为了对抗马尼拉的共产党团体，新加坡的人民行动党(People'sActionParty)也发展了同样 的组织方法，而某些文化上的特色仍然是维持着的。
在下一世纪，中国将会需要进一步迈向民主、法治与宪政。它将吸取西方的概念以改进自己的制 度，在中国的环境下实行。科技革命影响全球的同时，亦需要中国国家将权力下放，尽可能地将 权力赋予每一个人。中国若要经济强盛，这些改变都是无可避免的。没有繁荣的经济，中国会积 弱不振；一旦中国衰弱，就会逐渐的走向分裂而再次出现社会混乱。
儒家学说──过去、现在与将来
为适应科技挑战和现代世界，儒学理念有必要作一重新的传译。儒家学说不能完全地摒弃，因为 它是中国文化中不能分割的一部份。为了保持和人民的密切联系，中国共产党需要渐渐地容纳 儒家学说。然而相反的操控是极有可能发生的。中国能将马克思和列宁的主义完全迅速吸收，并 使之中国化，中国的文明化会从共产党主义政制吸取改良，就正如将印度的佛教改变和吸收一 样。
三年前我往访问毛泽东的出生地韶山，发现一个很有趣的现象，就是毛泽东的个人以至于他的 思想，都被包含进中国的文化之中。燃放着香烛的毛家祠堂就在毛泽东纪念馆旁，而毛泽东父母 及祖父母的坟地也给打扫干净。毛泽东已经成为中国的众神之一，为人信奉朝拜，人们只会怀念 他的德行，至于恶行则只会怪罪他人。这是中国历史里一种并不罕见的现象。
同样地，对于西方的民主概念，亦会进行消化吸收。在理论上，无论生活在中国大陆、香港、或台 湾的中国人，都接受民主的概念，只是在实际的民主执行上，却又是另一回事。即使在台湾，民主 组织的演进，仍有一条很曲折的路要走。台湾的政治贪污和秘密社团融入本地政治，都是很严重 的问题。至于香港，这个回归中国的地方，要走向民主，仍有一段很远的路程。面临着东南亚的知 识经济、全球性主义和种族政策的挑战，具新加坡特色的民主将会继续在新加坡演进。
在国际上，中国即使强大起来，仍需要和其他既非属国、亦非蛮族的国家竞争。当下一世纪没有 任何国家可忽视中国的存在时，也不可将其视作一个古老的国别。在官方的政策声明中，中国经 常表现谦厚，并承认各国皆是平等的。然而，中国人天生有一种文化上的优越感。假若他们不是 这样想的话，中国的文化就不可能这样长久维持。然而，过份膨胀的优越感却会引起很多严重的 问题。在现今的这个时代，中华民族的概念是有需要节制的。在加拿大，由一个香港的中国人出 任当地的地方长官；而另一个香港人则在美国的华盛顿任州长。而在东南亚，不同种族的中国人 皆在政治上占有一个很重要的位置。他们只有这样做，以避免民族感高涨。对于下一世纪的中国 来说，这是一个重大的挑战。二十一世纪的儒家学说，再不能视中国为世界的中心。
只要知道问题的所在，我们便可想办法处理。在新加坡，我们每天都需要面对不同种族间的问 题。当中国外交部就一九九八年五月印尼排华的暴行事件，作出强硬的立场以反应国内外中国 人的激愤，东南亚地区都为之惊奇。而当江泽民上月要求前往参观曼谷的唐人街时，泰国也为之 惊讶。正如洛杉矶的李文和事件一样，其中的种族意味也是不容忽视的。
我曾接触过中国文化一些方面，它们影响着中国政治发展而至今仍尚未给予所产生的问题以清 晰答案。那可以完全是没有明确答案的。推翻帝国主义教条的中国革命仍在继续，由太平天国革 命、辛亥革命、五四运动、抗日战争、中共建国、文化大革命以及最后由邓小平推动改革开放，可 以说是世上最悠久的大革命。香港的命运与这个历史的进程是有密切的关系的，然而，比起五十 年前、一百年前、又或是一百五十年前的中国青年，现今年轻的中国人有多好呢？无论当前的问 题是什么，文化上的自信使他们可以克服一切，而对将来无所惧。这亦就是儒家学说的过去、现 在和将来的故事及其对不断改革的中国文化和政治的渗透性影响。
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SPECIAL LECTURE BY GEORGE YONG-BOON YEO
AT THE GOLDEN JUBILEE ANNIVERSARY OF NEW ASIA COLLEGE, HONG KONG,
ON 29 OCT 99 AT 11.30 AM
"Artificial Stability"
Throughout Chinese history, a profound tension exists between stability and instability. Chinese civilisation is the longest continuous civilisation on earth going back more than 5,000 years. This shows the tenacity of the culture and its deep stability. However, Chinese society is also highly fragmented. The father of modern China, Sun Zhongsan, once described Chinese society as a tray of loose sand. Outside the extended family, Chinese people tend to be lacking in public spirit. In their minds, a clear distinction is made between what is within the family and what is outside the family. Within the extended family, mutual trust and assistance is taken for granted. Beyond the extended family, liberties are often taken unless there is a threat of punishment.
Without a strong state to hold Chinese society together, it can dissolve quickly into internal dispute and civil war. In physics, there is a phenomenon called "artificial stability". This describes a situation when stability is achieved by external control over what would otherwise be unstable. For example, a fighter aircraft, whether it is a Sopwith Camel, a Spitfire or an F-16, is designed to be unstable so that that aeroplane can manoeuvre freely in a dogfight. The control system or the pilot has to maintain stability all the time. Once the control is withdrawn, the aeroplane quickly turns left or right, up or down. In the same way, a bicycle is more stable when additional load is placed at the back but this makes it less manoeuvreable. When the load is placed in front, the bicycle is more unstable, but the rider finds it easier to steer the bicycle. Chinese society is "artificially stable". Without a good control system externally imposed, it becomes chaotic.
Many years ago, I had an interesting discussion with a Suzhou official. He told me that the Jiangsu Provincial Government was reluctant to develop the parts of Jiangsu adjacent to Shanghai because Shanghai might one day take over those areas as the city grew. When there were floods in the lower Yangtze Delta, decisions had to be taken whether to sacrifice large areas of farmland in Jiangsu or to allow Shanghai to be affected. Furious arguments would take place and Beijing would have to step in to arbitrate and decide. Without a strong centre in China, the different provinces could quickly go to war with one another as had frequently happened in the long history of China. No wonder the Romance of the Three Kingdoms began with the famous saying that "long disunity leads to unity and long unity leads to disunity".
This tendency of Chinese society to be chaotic is both a strength and a weakness. The frequent disorderliness is also a source of creativity and dynamism. While China today remains an authoritarian state, there is intense competition at the provincial and city levels. It is a situation of controlled chaos.
The Idea of One China
Cycles of growth and decline are common in human history. What is unique and extraordinary about Chinese history is the ability of Chinese society to re-gather itself into a single polity again and again. The Han Dynasty was roughly contemporaneous with the Roman Empire. Both broke up at about the same time. The areas under the control of the Roman Empire never succeeded in reuniting themselves. Attempts were made by Charlemagne, Napolean, Hitler and others, but they never came close to achieving the dominance of Rome. Even the European Union today is a loose confederation of tribal groups. In contrast, China was able to reunify itself many times since the fall of the Han Dynasty. This is because the idea of one China is deeply embedded in the minds of all Chinese people.
For centuries, Chinese children, before they could read or write, were taught to recite the San Zi Jing through which the Confucianist idea of society being one big happy family is programmed into young minds. The three-character phrases are like strands of cultural DNA which are passed on from generation to generation. Thus, the political idea of one China is also a cultural idea. This distinguishes Chinese culture from other ancient cultures. For example, Jewish culture is as tenacious as Chinese culture but it does not put the same emphasis on political unity. Hindu culture is also an ancient culture. While Hindu culture encompasses political ideals, it does not programme into all Hindus the idea of one India the way Chinese culture does. For this reason, the idea of Taiwanese independence is emotionally unacceptable to many Chinese people because it goes against a long-held cultural ideal.
The Stability of the Chinese Family
However, like Jewish and Hindu cultures, Chinese culture places great emphasis on the family. This is the basic building block of Chinese society, and is almost indestructible. Despite wars and revolutions, floods and famines, the Chinese family has held together. In this century, despite family members being separated by hundreds or thousands of miles over long years, the Chinese family held together in a remarkable way. Strong Chinese families explain the strength of Chinese diaspora culture. Diaspora Chinese culture is much more tenacious than diaspora Japanese culture.
However, the strength of the Chinese family also means that, outside the circle of relatives and friends, Chinese people tend to be less public-spirited. The difference between the public spirit of Japanese people and Chinese people is well-known. I remember once visiting the Meiji Shrine in June when the blue irises were in bloom. Because the Meiji emperor planted blue irises which the empress loved, Japanese women romanticise this particular irises. On the day when I visited the shrine, there was a long procession of Japanese women lining up to view the blue irises. There was no rush. When it was their turn to take photographs, they took them quickly so as not to hold others back. When they saw litter on the ground, they picked them up. It is hard to imagine Chinese people ever behaving in this way. If there were a similar event in Singapore we will need many workers the following day to clean up the park.
Weakness of Independent Chinese Civil Society
In the confucianist classic "The Great Learning", we learn to cultivate the self, establish the family and govern the state, thereby bringing harmony to human society. At one end, we have the individual and the family; at the other we have the state as one big happy family. In reality, between the Chinese family and the Chinese state, there is a big disconnection. In western society, the space in between the family and the state is usually occupied by relatively independent civil society. This civil society makes possible Western democracy. In Chinese society, civil society is more problematic. When civil society is independent, the state takes a negative view of it because it dilutes central power. When central authority is strong, Chinese civil groups instinctively look to it for support and patronage. Without firm leadership, Chinese civil groups often suffer from internal conflict as individuals and groups jostle for control and official favour. This is a phenomenon which affects Chinese civil groups all over the world, including Singapore. In the journal Foreign Affairs, Francis Fukuyama described the same phenomenon from a different perspective. He traced it to the lack of "social capital" in Chinese society.
What is the reason for weak Chinese civil society? This is an important question because without strong civil society, Western-style democratic cannot take root. The weakness of Chinese civil society is a direct result of the strength of the family on the one hand and the centralised state on the other. Independent groups are hard to organise because of the lack of public spirit outside the family and state structure. These tendencies are deeply coded in Chinese culture and not easily changed. They are in the cultural DNA and shape the political institutions governing Chinese society. One way or another, democracy in Chinese society must take these tendencies into account. How democracy with Chinese characteristics will evolve in the next century is an important question in global history. I doubt very much that Western democratic systems will take root in China because the history and tradition are so different. Some scholars recommend a federal system for China, but that is not likely to succeed because of the idea of one China.
Genius of Chinese Statecraft
The genius of Chinese society is in statecraft. Without this genius, China could not have re-constituted itself again and again. I would like to highlight some key aspects of Chinese statecraft.
The first aspect is the separation of religion from politics. In many countries religion remains an important part of politics making governance more difficult. In South Asia today, we have in India a self-conscious Hindu government, and in Pakistan an army that has become more Islamic over the years now in control. In Western Europe, religious wars decimated entire populations right up to the 17th century. In Eastern Europe, religion is still an important factor in politics, no more so than in the Balkans. In contrast, the Chinese state has been secular for most of China's history. Communist atheism took easy root in China partly because it conformed to Chinese political culture. Confucius advised that the state should keep religion at arm's length.
Another important aspect of Chinese statecraft is recruitment of officials on the basis of examinations. When the civil service was invented in China, it was a revolutionary idea in the world. It was only 200 to 300 years ago that this idea found its way to the West. Now it is universally accepted around the world. But nowhere in the world, except in China, is this elitist system extended over such a wide geographical area and to such a degree. In the Chinese mind, that the provincial governor could be from another province is culturally acceptable. One cannot imagine in Europe today, despite the European Union, that a German could become the mayor of Paris, much less, the president of France. In China, this cross-posting from one end of the empire to the other has been done for over 2,000 years. During the Tang Dynasty, a few prime ministers were of non-Han origin. A Korean general led the Tang army across the Tianshan mountains into Central Asia where it was defeated by the Arabs. A Japanese jinshi governed Vietnam, then a part of the Chinese Empire.
Chinese statecraft always recognised the problem of corruption and nepotism. By various means, the Chinese state set up systems to limit this problem. But it could never be got rid of completely because of the strength of family ties. During the Ming and Qing dynasties and in China today, high officials are not posted to the districts they come from, not within a distance of 500 li. By this rule, no Singaporean could be a minister in Singapore, and no Hong Konger should be governing Hong Kong. This point is worth reflecting on. In China, a high official working in his native district would face unbearable pressure to favour relatives and friends. Therefore, it is always better to bring in an outsider who can be objective. But this outsider is not a foreigner. He is still Chinese and therefore legitimate. Such an outsider would not be acceptable as a high official in a European country or in Singapore. In Hong Kong under one-country-two-systems, Hong Kongers are supposed to govern themselves. This is only possible because the public institutions of Hong Kong are derived from the British, which is also the case in Singapore.
A system which enables high officials to be posted from one corner of the empire to another can only be achieved if power is concentrated at the centre. This has long been an essential aspect of Chinese statecraft. The Leninist method of organisation was in line with that political tradition which explains why it was easily transplanted onto Chinese soil. In fact, both the Communist Party and the Kuomingtang adapted Leninist party organisation. The People's Action Party in Singapore also developed the same method of organisation because it had to fight the Communist Party of Malaya. Certain cultural characteristics are persistent.
In the next century, China will have to move towards more democratic organisation, the rule of law and constitutional governance. It will evolve its own system taking ideas from the West and adapting them to Chinese conditions. The technological revolution sweeping the world also requires the Chinese state to devolve more power downwards and to empower as many individuals as possible. These changes are unavoidable if China is to be economically strong. Without economic strength, the Chinese state will be weak. Once the Chinese state declines, it will eventually break up and society will be in chaos once again.
Confucianism - Past, Present and Future
In making this adaptation to the challenges of technology and the modern world, Confucianist ideas will have to be interpreted afresh. Confucianism will not be discarded because it is an inseparable part of Chinese culture. To remain close to the people, Chinese communism must gradually accommodate Confucianism. A reverse takeover is likely to happen. China will eventually digest the ideas of Marx and Lenin so completely that they become Chinese. Chinese civilisation will transform and absorb Communism the way it transformed and absorbed Buddhism from India.
When I visited Mao Zedong's birthplace in Shaoshan three years ago, it was interesting to see how Chinese culture is incorporating Mao, the man and his ideas. The Mao ancestral temple where joss sticks are burnt is next to the Mao Zedong memorial hall. The grave sites of Mao Zedong's parents and grandparents have been cleaned up. Mao Zedong has entered the Chinese pantheon as another deity to be worshipped. His good deeds are remembered; the evil deeds are blamed on others. This is nothing new in Chinese history.
The same digestion and absorption of Western democratic ideas will also take place. In theory, all Chinese accept the ideas of democracy whether they live on the Mainland, Hong Kong or Taiwan. But the practice of democracy is quite another matter. Even in Taiwan, the evolution of democratic institutions has still to go through many twists and turns. Political corruption in Taiwan and the involvement of secret societies in local politics are serious problems. For Hong Kong, it will also be a long road which must eventually lead back to the Motherland. For Singapore, democracy with Singapore characteristics will continue to evolve in response to the challenges of the knowledge economy, globalisation and racial politics in Southeast Asia.
Internationally, a China however strong will have to contend with other big powers which are neither tributary states nor barbarians. While no country can ignore China in the next century, China cannot expect to be the middle kingdom in the world. In official policy pronouncements, China is very humble and recognises the equality of all nations. But, deep down, Chinese people feel culturally superior with a sense of their own destiny. If they did not feel so, Chinese culture could not have survived for so long. This sense of superiority can give rise to big problems if it becomes excessive. The idea of the Chinese race will have to be moderated in this new world. A Hong Kong Chinese has become the Governor-General of Canada. Another Hong Kong Chinese is the Governor of the State of Washington in the US. In Southeast Asia, many ethnic Chinese hold important political positions. They can only do this by not allowing their sense of race to become excessive. This is a challenge for China in the next century. The Confucianism of the 21st century cannot place China at the centre of the universe.
So long as we recognise this to be problem, it can be managed. We face the problem of inter-racial relations everyday in Singapore. When the Chinese Foreign Ministry, in response to the outrage expressed by Chinese inside and outside China, took a strong position against the violence done to Chinese Indonesians in May 1998, eyebrows were raised in Southeast Asia. When President Jiang Zemin asked to visit the Chinatown in Bangkok last month, eyebrows were raised in Thailand. The Li Wenhe case in Los Alamos has racial undertones which we must recognise.
I have touched on some aspects of Chinese culture which influence the development of Chinese politics without giving clear answers to many of the problems that exist. There can be no clear answers. The Chinese revolution which overthrew imperial rule is still on-going. It is the greatest revolution the world has ever seen, starting with the Taiping Revolution, 1911, May Fourth, the anti-Japanese war, 1949, the Cultural Revolution and Deng Xiaoping's final push to reform and open up China. The destiny of Hong Kong is bound up with the progress of this revolution. But how much better is it to be a young Chinese today than it was to be a young Chinese 50 years ago, 100 years ago or 150 years ago. Whatever the current problems, there is a cultural self-confidence that they can be overcome and the future secured. This is also a story about the past, present and future of Confucianism and its pervasive influence on the continuing evolution of Chinese culture and politics.
描述:新 加 坡 贸 工 部 长 杨 荣 文 准 将
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