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主题 : 研究:从不打孩子屁股或比打屁股更糟
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楼主  发表于: 2010-09-20   

研究:从不打孩子屁股或比打屁股更糟

在NurtureShock,兰斯福德和道奇教授进行了一些国际范围的跨民族的研究。他们的数据表明,如果一个文化认为,孩子犯错后被打屁股是正常后果,偶尔打几次并不会伤害孩子。他们解释说,在打屁股行为普遍的文化或社区里,家长打孩子屁股时不那么激动。偶尔大发脾气的打屁股可能比经常性打屁股更糟糕。如果根本不打孩子屁股呢?因为从来没有被打屁股的孩子很难找到,所以他们还无法回答。

冈诺博士正在对美国人口进行一项新研究。它包括在未来20年中每3年对2600人和他们正值青春期的孩子进行采访。冈诺博士正在研究第一批青少年相关数据。数据表明,四分之一的青少年从来没有被打过屁股。正好可以回答从未被打过屁股的孩子是否数年后成长得会更好?冈诺说:“从数据中不能得出此结论。”她的调查询问十几岁的孩子什么时候最后被打屁股,作为儿童时多常时间被打屁股。

她研究了责打可能会导致成年后的坏结果:反社会行为、早期性行为、身体暴力行为和抑郁症。

同时她还研究了人们希望青少年取得的好结果:如学衔、志愿者工作、上大学愿望、对未来的希望,和对他们长大后有能力谋生的信心。

体罚研究几乎从来不研究好结果,但冈诺想要弄清这些孩子的差异。

她发现另一个震惊的结果:在2至6岁时被打过屁股的青少年在几乎每项检测上比那些从来没有被打过屁股的青少年做得更好。

一组是被打屁股的,直到他们上小学。另一组他们最后被打屁股是在7至11岁。对比那些从未被打屁股的,他们在坏结果上稍微更差,在好结果上则更好一点。只有青少年时仍然被责打的才明显表明出问题。

冈诺正在考虑养育方式如何造成这些结果,特别是从未被打过屁股的少年为何表现比预期差。


这是中文翻译

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辣婆 离线
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7楼  发表于: 2010-09-21   
同意!要想糖更甜,需在糖里加点盐。我想关键是要掌握这盐下的份量。就是要看孩子的个性,有些孩子天生懂事,这样的不用打一说就明白;有些孩子生来敏感,打了反而有反效果。得耐心的说道,打了就让他大伤心,迈克杰克逊型。最要打的是那些天生无赖,不打记不住。阿辉说的那27岁一对不好好工作净吃社会救济的,不就打得少吗?我想多数孩子心智算平均吧,过分了打还是可以的,不伤自尊就行。我家的孩子,要需要我也会打。
有什么用?
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6楼  发表于: 2010-09-21   
其实我觉得那个翻得不好,我直接翻成十个字就好了, 无规不成方,无规不成圆。
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wenwendywen 威望 +3 2010-09-21 -
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5楼  发表于: 2010-09-21   
我也打过小孩。平时小孩犯错我们以教育为主,累积到一定程度,达到爆发点,我就打她一顿。不过这种情况很少。
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地下室  发表于: 2010-09-21   
仅仅从打与不打屁股的指标上,难于看出教育的效果。还要看是否带着爱,带着明确目标,是否把爱和目标传达给了孩子。我认为,爱是第一位的。
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地板  发表于: 2010-09-21   
我们也打过,现在不打,犯错了自己面壁思过 我们不理他
不是每只蛋在二十一天后都会孵出小鸡来,有很多事情光看开头是猜不到结尾的。
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板凳  发表于: 2010-09-20   
我承认我有打过小孩,但是她上小学一年级以后就应该不会动手了。  
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沙发  发表于: 2010-09-20   
Some Kids Are Never Spanked - Do They Turn Out Better?


For decades, research on spanking was challenged by the lack of a control group to compare against - almost all kids (90+%) had been spanked at least once, at some time in their early lives. New research shows that now up to 25% of kids are never spanked, so it's a fair question: How are they turning out? Are they turning out better? Surprisingly, they're not.




In NurtureShock, we described some extensive cross-ethnic and international research on spanking by Drs. Jennifer Lansford and Ken Dodge.

Their data suggested that if a culture views spanking as the normal consequence for bad behavior, kids aren’t damaged by its occasional use.

To explain this shocker, the scholars suggested that in cultures or communities where spanking is common, parents are less agitated when administering spankings. Spanking almost never—when combined with losing your temper—can be worse than spanking frequently.*  

But what about the third option: not spanking them at all?

Unfortunately, there’s been little study of this, because children who’ve never been spanked aren’t easy to find. Most kids receive physical discipline at least once in their life. But times are changing, and parents today have numerous alternatives to spanking. The result is that kids are spanked less often overall, and kids who’ve never been spanked are becoming a bigger slice of the pie in long-term population studies.

One of those new population studies underway is called Portraits of American Life. It involves interviews of 2,600 people and their adolescent children every three years for the next 20 years. Dr. Marjorie Gunnoe is working with the first wave of data on the teens. It turns out that almost a quarter of these teens report they were never spanked.

So this is a perfect opportunity to answer a very simple question: are kids who’ve never been spanked any better off, long term?

Gunnoe’s summary is blunt: “I didn’t find that in my data.”

The study asked teens how old they were when their last spanking occurred, and how often they would get spanked as a child. That was cross-referenced against the data on bad outcomes we might fear spanking could lead to years later: antisocial behavior, early sexual activity, physical violence, and depression.

But Gunnoe went further. She also looked at many good outcomes we might want for our teens, such as academic rank, volunteer work, college aspirations, hope for the future, and confidence in their ability to earn a living when they grow up. Studies of corporal punishment almost never look at good outcomes, but Gunnoe wanted to really tease out the differences in these kids.

What she discovered was another shocker: those who’d been spanked just when they were young—ages 2 to 6—were doing a little better as teenagers than those who’d never been spanked. On almost every measure.

A separate group of teens had been spanked until they were in elementary school. Their last spanking had been between the ages of 7 and 11. These teens didn’t turn out badly, either.

Compared with the never-spanked, they were slightly worse off on negative outcomes, but a little better off on the good outcomes.

Only the teenagers who were still being spanked clearly showed problems.

Gunnoe is now looking at how parenting styles might explain these patterns—especially the mystery of why the never-spanked are doing worse than expected.

Gunnoe doesn’t know what she’ll find, but my thoughts jump immediately to the work of Dr. Sarah Schoppe-Sullivan, whom we wrote about in NurtureShock. Schoppe-Sullivan found that children of progressive dads were acting out more in school. This was likely because the fathers were inconsistent disciplinarians; they were emotionally uncertain about when and how to punish, and thus they were reinventing the wheel every time they had to reprimand their child. And there was more conflict in their marriage over how best to parent, and how to divide parenting responsibilities.

I admit to taking a leap here, but if the progressive parents are the ones who never spank (or at least there’s a large overlap), then perhaps the consistency of discipline is more important than the form of discipline. In other words, spanking regularly isn’t the problem; the problem is having no regular form of discipline at all.
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